House Financial Services Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit Hearing
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Chairman
I am a staff attorney at the
Prior to my work at the
In 2007, a global economic crisis was unleashed by a meltdown in the mortgage market. The loans that triggered this international collapse were primarily high-cost adjustable rate mortgages made in violation of long-standing prudential underwriting guidance, but subject to little to no formal regulation. During the decade leading up to the collapse, lenders had watched default rates on these loans climb towards 40% but had continued to extend ever more risky credit. The refinancing house of cards that kept this system afloat collapsed when increasing housing values could no longer support serial refinancing.
The Dodd-Frank Act was a sensible and overdue response to that crisis, to prevent the recurrence of the widespread dislocation that followed in the wake of those excesses.
In this testimony I make the following points:
. Regulation of the mortgage market, as structured under Title XIV of the Dodd-Frank Act, is essential to our national economic security.
. Given the complexity of the modern mortgage market, rulemaking is best done via administrative rulemaking rather than legislation. Adjustments to the underwriting standards in Dodd-Frank are best done by the agencies with substantive expertise.
. Promoting transparency in rulemaking, as the
. Both homeowners and the mortgage market are well served by standards that allow homeowners to challenge a lender's deliberate or egregious failure to make a reasonable determination of the borrower's ability to repay. A rebuttable presumption will not result in substantial litigation risk from borrowers.
Title XIV of Dodd-Frank provides a necessary corrective to the market excesses that led to the collapse of the global economy.
Underwriting traditionally served as a hedge against the origination of unaffordable loans, but in the years leading up to the current foreclosure crisis, underwriting all but disappeared. n2 Both brokers and lenders both found stated-income lending more profitable than verifying income documents, n3 and so substituted certifications by borrowers for underwriting. n4 The prevalence of both no-doc loans, loans without any documentation of the homeowner's income, n5 and loans with falsified income information, n6 soared. Lenders went so far as to require that any income information that made it into their files be redacted. n7 All too-often, the payments presented to borrowers (and used to measure affordability in-house, when lenders made any effort to determine affordability) omitted any mention of taxes or insurance. n8 Borrowers put in loans without escrow accounts struggled to manage the payment shock of taxes and insurance on top of inflated mortgage payments. n9 Lenders subverted traditional standards of underwriting, consciously courting high rates of default. n10
Lenders had various rationales for embracing the increased risk of default in abandoning underwriting. Some cynically counted on foreclosure to recoup the loan based on the sale of the home. Often, loans were made with the expectation that ever- rising housing values (coupled with ever more "nontraditional" products) would permit serial refinancing, thus postponing default and foreclosure indefinitely. n11 Such collateral- based lending is a classic hallmark of predatory lending. n12 But, as the lenders ratcheted up the loan-to-value ratios every year from 2000-2006, leaving homeowners with ever- smaller equity cushions, n13 lenders could not realistically expect to be repaid from the foreclosure sale.
Instead, lenders relied on securitization to spread the cost of the inevitable foreclosures. In particularly egregious cases, lenders allowed the loan proceeds or an escrow funded by the broker or seller to fund the regular monthly payment, in clear contravention of basic underwriting standards. n14 Throughout the subprime market, pricing replaced underwriting as a risk control mechanism, n15 with lenders tolerating abandonment of underwriting in exchange for increased origination of expensive (and risky) subprime loans. n16
Post-crisis, there has been a temporary tightening of credit standards and much talk about the need for regulatory enforcement of basic underwriting norms. Going forward, the Dodd-Frank Act n17 mandates that all residential mortgages be made with respect to ability to repay.
One lesson from the crisis is clear: mortgage lending will endanger all of our economic well-being if it is not subject to regulation. Prudential guidance is not enough. The rules outlined in Dodd-Frank are nothing more than a codification of the basic precepts of residential underwriting for decades. Mortgage lenders ignored these rules, with the result that we are still suffering through foreclosure rates higher than during the Great Depression and a sluggish economy.
Further adjustments to the underwriting standards in Dodd-Frank are best done by agencies with substantive expertise, including the
Pending before this subcommittee is H.R. 4323. H.R. 4323 would do three things: adjust the definition of mortgage broker compensation under Dodd-Frank to exempt payments made to employees of the mortgage loan originator; exclude, for the first time since the passage of HOEPA in 1994, fees paid to the creditor or an affiliate of the creditor under affiliated business relationships, thus gutting the restrictions on creditor profiteering embedded in HOEPA's point and fees test; and exclude, for the first time since the passage of HOEPA in 1994, fees for title insurance from the calculation of points and fees test even if the charge is per se unreasonable, wholly retained by the creditor, or an illegal fee.
Prior to the enactment of Dodd-Frank, the
Changing the definition of points and fees for the riskiest loans after nearly two decades risks unsettling established precedent. It is also bad policy. Fees from affiliates continue to form a significant part of creditor's profits. They are totally opaque to consumers. Moreover, there is extensive evidence that title insurance, in particular, has been a source of price gouging of consumers in recent years. n20
Typically, the mortgage lender, not the borrower, chooses the title company, even though the borrower pays the cost of title insurance. The result is a form of reverse competition; title companies compete to offer lenders the best deal and lenders are free to steer homeowners to affiliated companies where the sometimes hefty profits from title insurance can be retained in house. Consumers, when they shop for a mortgage, are focused on the loan terms, not the closing agent or closing terms; as a result, consumers seldom question the choice of the title insurer or the cost or coverage of title insurance. Strong incentives to pay lenders kickbacks exist in the very structure of the title insurance market, even when the title companies are not affiliates of the lender. n21
Nor is state regulation much help. Title insurance premiums are regulated not at all in some states, including large states like
Aside from cost and unregulated fees, the lender's and homeowner's interests also diverge as to coverage. Even if the affiliate is not writing the policy, the homeowner will want and need more extensive title insurance than the lender: the lender only needs coverage to the extent of its mortgage lien. Thus, a lender is unlikely to push for
protection against springing easements at some future date or object to blanket coverage exceptions in a low loan-to-value loan. This inherent conflict of interest is inflamed when the lender is writing the insurance, and therefore has a strong incentive to except all possible claims from coverage. The lender, after all, can always go after the homeowner if the title turns out to be worthless, but the homeowner has no other recourse.
Finally, where the creditor's affiliate writes the title insurance, the incentives for the creditor to increase arbitrarily the size of the loan are multiplied. Title insurance pricing increases with the size of the loan, even though the work does not increase and the risk, due to the widespread use of exclusions from coverage in the title insurance world, only increases marginally. Most commentators would agree that inflated loans contributed directly to the current economic crisis; creditors should not be encouraged to inflate loans.
Promoting transparency in rulemaking, as the
In reopening the comment period, the Bureau sought comment only on the new information it had received, much of it obtained from ex parte communications, including extensive meetings with industry. n24 There is nothing inherently inappropriate about ex parte communications with the Bureau; indeed, the Bureau's receptiveness to such meetings should do much to allay industry concerns about potential surprises or missteps in the rulemaking. Nonetheless, it is appropriate where those ex parte communications go to the heart of difficult, complex, and important issues, as they do here, to give other stakeholders full notice of the content of those communications and an opportunity for further comment.
The stakes for the Qualified Mortgage definition are high. The definition of Qualified Mortgages likely will define the contours of mainstream mortgage lending for generations to come. Concerns about the balance between access to credit and protecting homeowners from unaffordable lending are complex. Moreover, much disastrous lending in the 1990s and early 2000s was done to under-served communities in the name of access to credit. In the wake of the collapse of the housing market, and unprecedented loss of wealth in communities of color, it is clear that not all credit is good credit and some credit can be worse than none. The terms of such a critical matter of national economic policy and basic economic justice must be openly debated in a transparent process. Concepts identified in ex parte conversations should not be adopted by the Bureau without public discussion in light of the important and complex process of setting the determination of ability to repay standards. There is a range of perspectives on these difficult issues and a full and open debate will best serve the public interest.
The Bureau has committed to issuing the rule on time. n25 It seems unlikely that this reopening of the comment period is the occasion for any delay in the issuance of the final rule. Mortgage markets should be reassured by the Board's candor and accessibility; markets are unlikely to be stymied merely by the greater transparency the Board afforded all stakeholders in reopening the comment period. Moreover, a final rule with greater clarity and basis will serve the mortgage markets well.
Both homeowners and the mortgage market are well served by standards that allow homeowners to challenge a lender's deliberate or egregious failure to make a reasonable determination of the borrower's ability to repay.
In writing the definition of ability to repay a mortgage loan, the
We cannot anticipate now all of the ways in which irresponsible lending practices could arise. When predatory lending became a problem in the 1990s, the Home Ownership Equity Protection Act (HOEPA) did its best to attack those practices. But the
HOEPA reforms were powerless to protect consumers from the new wave of mortgage "innovations."
Even more important than the details of any specific rule is getting the incentives right. Rulewriters will always be several steps behind the market. But if the incentives are in the right place, the rule will do its job even as new, unanticipated developments arise. The essential incentive for the mortgage market is the rule that every mortgage must be evaluated for affordability. A safe harbor that deems certain types of mortgages affordable no matter the circumstances will not build in incentives for creditors to ensure affordability. A rebuttable presumption, while still requiring a stiff uphill climb for homeowners, will provide a backstop to reckless lending. A rebuttable presumption rule with clarity will deliver what lenders need the most: clear guidelines about how to proceed in reviving the mortgage market. This clarity will minimize the main risk creditors have faced in this crisis, repurchase risk from the secondary market.
If the ability to repay rule provides a safe harbor, some creditors will focus on only the letter but not the spirit of the rule. It will leave the door open to known types of abusive lending and will predictably encourage the emergence of adjustable rate mortgages timed to reset at the end of six years instead of five. Creditors will find other ways of evading the protections of the ability to repay definition that we cannot anticipate right now. The spirit of the rule is true ability to pay. If we want creditors to comply with that spirit, the general ability to pay requirement must apply even to loans that meet the specific contours of the ability to repay definition.
A safe harbor would shut the court house door to borrowers. Once there was a determination that a loan met the ability to repay standards, there would be no redress for could not afford it. There are many possible examples of these loans. For example, homeowners with limited residual income and high medical bills might have no residual income, even at a 31% DTI. In that circumstance, if ability to repay only required a 31% DTI, without residual income, the creditor would be free to engage in the purest form of asset-based lending and the homeowner would have no redress. Similar results would apply for any of the many possibilities in which a creditor extended credit, knowing that the borrower could not reasonably be expected to repay, unless the ability to repay definition specifically identified the precise circumstances posed by that case. Such micromanagement of credit decisions serves no one's interest and would be cumbersome to implement. With an irrebuttable safe harbor, creditors would be encouraged to ignore obvious warning signs so long as they were not listed as a criteria in the Bureau's rule. Predictably unaffordable loans would come with total legal insulation.
Finally, a safe harbor could interfere with state sovereignty and reduce the rights that consumers currently have under state laws to challenge reckless and bad faith underwriting. A safe harbor under Dodd-Frank would make it much more difficult for homeowners to raise state legal claims, such as fraud, where a creditor can show it has satisfied the ability to repay definition. A court might be inclined to view the satisfaction of such a standard as the last word on affordability (either as a matter of preemption or of persuasiveness). Moreover, some states have statutes or developed case law that provide that any loan that satisfies the Truth in Lending Act per se complies with state law. Accordingly, it is essential that a rebuttable presumption be preserved so that unsustainable loans are not immune if they are unfair, deceptive or unconscionable.
It would be unwise and contrary to the purpose of the law to adopt a safe harbor. A safe harbor would upset Dodd-Frank's finely tuned balance of market incentives and market discipline.
A rebuttable presumption will not result in substantial litigation risk from borrowers.
Creditors will face no significant litigation risk from borrowers under a rebuttable presumption. Even if a loan is unaffordable from the start, exceedingly few homeowners will even find an attorney to assist them. The foreclosure crisis has brought the imbalance in access to representation into harsh light, as a number of local and state reports have found.
When borrowers manage to find an attorney, the facts will need to paint a pretty severe picture to overcome the presumption. And then, should a homeowner thread the needle and prevail, Dodd-Frank caps the damages at a relatively small amount in comparison to the value of the mortgage--three years of payments. n28
If a consumer claims that a loan is unaffordable, and if the loan meets the ability to repay standard, the homeowner will have the burden to demonstrate that the loan was not reasonably reviewed for affordability. Litigation burdens are very difficult to overcome, as the paucity of litigation under the existing higher cost mortgage rules demonstrates.
This is especially true when a party has satisfied the presumptive requirements of a statute, as creditors making loans under the qualified mortgage standard would. For example, the Truth in Lending Act provides a rebuttable presumption that the borrower has received the required notice of the right to cancel when the borrower signs an acknowledgment of receipt at closing. n29 Courts have often required homeowners to do more than assert the non-receipt of the documents, even at the pleading stage. n30 Borrowers typically only prevail ultimately in rebutting the presumption of receipt when they can establish a chain of custody of their closing documents akin to that required in criminal drug cases. n31
The ability to repay standard may create an even higher bar because the presumption will reference an agency determination of a complex process, the ability to repay test. Unlike the TILA acknowledgment of receipt, an ability to repay determination involves many interrelated components. Courts are likely to give great weight to the Bureau's determination of what is an affordable loan and will be unlikely to impose further requirements.
Moreover, as the Ninth Circuit has noted, "presumptions are not rebutted by allegations; they are rebutted by evidence." n32 The evidence of the lender's determination of a consumer's ability to repay will all be in the lender's hands. In order to demonstrate a case under a rebuttable presumption, homeowners will need to credibly allege, and then prove, that the lender did not make a reasonable determination of ability to repay. What the lender did or did not consider, as well as the ultimate basis for its decision, will always be information uniquely in the province of the lender, not the homeowner. Rare indeed will be the cases where a homeowner can allege and then prove that the lender did not reasonably determine that the borrower had an ability to repay.
Even without Dodd-Frank's protections, lenders who make unaffordable loans have been subject to litigation risk. Courts have recognized lending when there is no ability to repay as a per se unfair and deceptive act or practice. n33 This may be the case even where the loan was a refinancing of an earlier loan, itself unaffordable. n34 Failure to follow the basic precepts of underwriting for affordability and sustainability can subject the originating creditor, the assignee, or even the investment banks who facilitated the origination of the loans to liability. n35 These claims are usually brought under a range of state common-law theories. Rulemaking under Dodd-Frank may, in fact, reduce the litigation risk occasioned by unaffordable lending by delineating what is and is not a reasonable determination by the lender of the borrower's ability to repay.
Finally, a look at the actual numbers makes clear that borrower-driven litigation poses no significant threat to creditors. While comprehensive statistics are not available on mortgage-related litigation, the experience of the lawyers who represent homeowners is that most homeowner litigation is not proactive. Even when the litigation would be initiated by a consumer, it tends to be in reaction to an impending or existing foreclosure.
Consequently, the volume of foreclosure filings provides a reasonable proxy to put homeowner litigation in perspective. Furthermore, the litigation from the past few years would represent a high-water mark.
In relation to the size of the mortgage market and the apogee of mortgage litigation, the added risk from a Truth in Lending claim is vanishingly small.
Number of home loans made 2005-2010 n36 63.9 Million
Number of homes entering foreclosure during crisis (est.) n37 (Q107-Q211) 8 Million
Number of cases involving existing TIL rebuttable presumption in last 5 years n38 59
As percentage of homes entering foreclosure, above .00074%
Number of cases involving existing TIL rebuttable presumption scheduled for trial n39 35
As percentage of homes entering foreclosure .00044%
Another reasonable proxy for exposure to a TIL claim used in relation to foreclosure litigation would be rescission claims - one of the most important tools homeowners have to contest bad mortgage practices. Again, in context, the likely litigation risk is minimal overall.
Number of foreclosures initiated in 2010 (by OCC/
Number of cases involving Truth in Lending & foreclosure 2010 904
Number of such cases also involving TIL rescission n41 660
2010 rescission cases as percentage of 2010 foreclosures filed .047%
Conclusion
Thank you for the opportunity to testify before the subcommittee today. Regulation of the mortgage market, as structured under Title XIV of the Dodd-Frank Act, is essential to our national economic security. Given the complexity of the modern mortgage market, rulemaking is best done via administrative rulemaking rather than legislation. Adjustments to the underwriting standards in Dodd-Frank are best done by the agencies with substantive expertise. Promoting transparency in rulemaking, as the
n1
n2 See, e.g., 74 Fed. Reg. 44,522, 44,540-44,541 (
n3 See, e.g.,
n4 See, e.g., Emigrant Mortg. Co., Inc., v. Fitzpatrick, 906 N.Y.S.2d 874, 881 (Sup. Ct. Suffolk Cty. 2010) (describing one such certification signed by a borrower certifying that the borrower had sufficient funds to repay the loan when the borrower's actual income was less than the monthly payment).
n5 See, e.g., 74 Fed. Reg. 44,522, 44,540, 44,541, 44,541 n.53 (
n6 See, e.g., McGlawn v. Pa. Human Relations Comm'n, 891 A.2d 757 (Pa. Commw. Ct. 2006) (broker created false income information for low-income borrowers); California v. Ameriquest (Cal. Super. Ct. Alameda County
n7 Comments of the
n8 See, e.g., 74 Fed. Reg. 44,522, 44,541 (
n9 74 Fed. Reg. 44,522, 44,541-44,542 (
n10 See, e.g., Assurance of Discontinuance, Commonwealth v.
n11 See, e.g., 74 Fed. Reg. 44,522, 44,541 (
n12 OCC Advisory Letter 2000-7, Abusive Lending Practices 1 (2000), available at http://www.occ.gov/static/news-issuances/memos-advisory-letters/2000/advisory-letter-2000-7.pdf. Cf. U.C.C.C. [Sec.] 5-108(4)(a) (1974) (especially cmt. S. 4: selling goods to low-income consumers without expectation of payment, but with expectation of repossessing goods sold and reselling at a profit, is illustrative of unconscionable transaction).
n13 Gov't Accountability Office, GAO No. 09-848R, Characteristics and Performance of Nonprime Mortgages 9 (2009), available at www.gao.gov/new.items/d09848R.pdf (documenting increasing stated loan-to-value ratios; note that these do not account for falsified appraisals, which in many instances left homeowners completely underwater).
n14
n15 See, e.g.,
n16 See, e.g., Assurance of Discontinuance, Commonwealth v.
n17 Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, Pub. L. No. 111-203, [Subsec.] 1411-1412, 1414, 124
n18 See, e.g., Villalobos v.
n19 75 Fed. Reg. 58,509 (
n20 See, e.g.,
n21 See, e.g.,
n22 See, e.g., Johnson v.
n23 See, e.g., Fields v. Option One Mortg. Corp., 2008 WL 2553030 (3d Cir.
n24
n25
n26 Melanca Clark and
n27
n28 While the
n29 15 U.S.C. [Sec.] 1635(c).
n30 See, e.g., In re Perks, 2011 WL 1298555 (Bankr.
n31 See, e.g., Cooper v. First Gov't Mortg. &
n32 Balderas v.
n33 See, e.g., Martinez v.
n34 See, e.g.,
n35 See Assurance of Discontinuance, Commonwealth v.
n36 Sum of home purchase, refinance and home improvement home loan activity reported under HMDA for 2005-2010,.
n37
n38 Comment of Mortgage Bankers Association Proposed Rule, Docket No. R-1417 (Ability to Repay and Qualified Mortgage) (
n39 Id.
n40 Sum of 2010 quarterly figures from OCC and OTS Mortgage Metrics Report, First Quarter 2011, Tabl3 38, p. 43.
n41 NCLC calculation from Westlaw Search,
Read this original document at: http://financialservices.house.gov/UploadedFiles/HHRG-112-BA15-WState-ACohen-20120711.pdf
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