“Dollars against Democracy: Domestic Terrorist Financing in the Aftermath of Insurrection,” Including H.R.116, the “Fair Lending for All Act”; the “Domestic Terrorism Financing Study Act”; the “FinCEN Exchange Improvement Act”; the “Freezing Assets of Suspected Terrorists and Enemy Recruits (FASTER) Act of 2021”; and “Fraud and Terrorism Education Act.”
Chairman Himes, Ranking Member Hill, and distinguished Members of the subcommittee: On behalf of Valens Global, it is an honor to appear before you to discuss domestic violent extremism and the threat it poses to our country. My testimony examines the current domestic violent extremism landscape and explores what can be done to mitigate this threat, particularly from a financial perspective.
The
The attack on
More generally, in 2020-21, there has been discernible movement throughout
This move toward armed politics raises the risk of an uptick in extremism-related violence across the political spectrum. At worst, the divisions we now face could plunge
The first portion of my testimony is designed to provide an overview of the current WSE threat landscape. It addresses key WSE ideologies, major domestic and foreign WSE groups, the nature of the WSE threat in
I should caution at the outset that the universe of domestic violent extremist actors is large, regionally varied, and constantly in flux. That being said, this testimony should provide a solid foundation for understanding the threat as it exists today, how it is likely to evolve, and how to combat it.
WSE Ideologies: Global Trends
Global WSE movements are bound by shared ideologies, which generally emphasize a belief in the necessity of white power and the superiority of the white race, and are often driven by fears of cultural and ethnic extinction, irrelevance, or subjugation. Many WSE leaders explicitly call for violence against the movement's enemies, arguing that violent activism is necessary, and characterizing likeminded but nonviolent groups as weak and unable to create social change. Other WSE leaders and groups view public association with violence as a threat to their ability to operate, fearing that it will attract the interest of law enforcement, interfere with their ability to recruit and retain members, and hamper their fundraising efforts. Some leaders and groups officially disavow the use of violence but tolerate, tacitly accept, or are unable to control its use by group members.
The transnational character of WSE ideologies is evident in the manifestos and social media posts of WSE terrorists who have carried out prominent recent attacks.
These examples illustrate two central dynamics of the contemporary WSE movement. First, it is transnational. Terrorists and other attackers motivated by WSE beliefs draw inspiration from attacks across the globe. Second, online discourse, particularly on social media, cements successful attackers as movement heroes. The most prominent killers are routinely described as "saints" in online forums, with accompanying iconography underscoring this depiction. As part of the movement's effort to lionize Tarrant, his manifesto has been translated into several European languages and widely distributed, along with footage from his livestreamed attack. n9 A bound edition of a Ukrainian translation has been printed and sold in
Despite a generally shared canonization of its "saints," the transnational WSE movement is not an ideological monolith. WSE groups, while existing within the same broad ideological milieu, can differ from their counterparts in various ways, which are summarized in the following graphic:
Neo-Nazi and National Socialist Beliefs
Neo-Nazi, national socialist, and fascist ideologies are a core component of the WSE movement, though not all WSE groups adhere to fascist beliefs, and many even eschew overt connections with the Third Reich's symbology or ideas. Neo-Nazi and fascist groups espouse core beliefs derived from Third Reich ideology, including emphasizing racial and cultural purity, scapegoating Jewish people, subscribing to exterminationism, and espousing devotion to the establishment of an ethnic homeland.
White Genocide and the Great Replacement
The belief in an ongoing white genocide, or great replacement of white European-origin populations by non-white immigrants, is widespread among WSEs and the broader white power movement. It perceives an existential threat from non-white immigration, multiculturalism, and associated trends. Groups adhering to this belief typically point to 1) patterns of mass migration into Western countries, 2) the low birth rates of European-origin families compared to the high birth rates of immigrants from non-European states, and 3) perceived cultural destruction at the hands of immigrants.
These theories have become an important component of many transnational WSE groups and attackers, including attacks perpetrated by
Accelerationism
Accelerationism is the most inherently violent ideology circulating in the global WSE community. There are various non-WSE forms of accelerationism, and WSE groups subscribing to accelerationism generally fuse it with at least one other WSE ideology, such as neo-Nazism. Nonetheless, given the violence associated with WSE accelerationist groups, it is worth treating this idea in some detail.
WSE accelerationists believe that a race war is not only inevitable but also the only path to achieving white power. They believe that only a violent, revolutionary overthrow of the "System," and victory in the subsequent civil war, can achieve the white power movement's goals. n13 WSE accelerationists typically emphasize the importance of "leaderless resistance," calling on individuals or small cells to perpetrate revolutionary acts of violence without centralized leadership. The purpose of such attacks is to force the white population to recognize its enemy, join a revolutionary uprising, and destroy the System. n14 This style of organization is intended to be resistant to law enforcement infiltration. n15
WSE accelerationists are influenced by a shared corpus of texts, disseminated through internet fora and other channels of communication. n16 The ideology is clearest in
WSE accelerationism's call for armed resistance and hastening of society's collapse into civil war has produced violent results. The manifestos of both
WSE accelerationists often organize into small cells, as called for by the concept of leaderless resistance, to minimize government infiltration and facilitate direct action over a wider geographic area. n22 Cells often facilitate activities such as physical exercise and paramilitary training. An example of this small-cell model is
White Power Skinheads
White power skinheads are a violent, racist iteration of the British skinhead subculture that emerged in the 1960s. n24 The global white power skinhead community holds few consistent political beliefs in common. The movement is heavily influenced by national socialism, though many white power skinheads may embrace the aesthetics, underlying racism, and calls to violence of the historical movement rather than its formal political ideology. n25 White power skinhead groups are defined by their embrace of racism and usually emphasize working-class empowerment, "traditional" masculinity (including homophobia), and a "straight edge" culture (with "hostility to any form of drug-taking--except tobacco and alcohol"). n26 Violence is a key component of white power skinhead subculture.
Accordingly, street fighting is a core cultural element of American and European white power skinhead crews. n27
While white power skinhead violence is a persistent criminal threat, it is usually limited to street brawls and targeted assaults. While they are the exception rather than the rule, there have been notable instances in which white power skinheads engaged in terrorism and political assassinations. These include
White Nationalism and White Separatism
While many WSE movements emphasize a global white racial identity and the establishment of white power worldwide, white nationalist and separatist groups seek the creation of a white nation in a particular geographic area. Groups with these beliefs usually draw on a cultural history tied to a particular region or state and emphasize the importance of their perceived home region over national or transnational political order. The envisioned fate of non-white residents of these homelands varies, with options generally ranging from the subjugation of non-white individuals under white power to the total exclusion of non-white individuals through ethnic cleansing or forced migration. While many white nationalist and separatist groups refrain from using or explicitly advocating violence, others, including those discussed below, are willing to employ or encourage violence.
White nationalist and separatist ideologies are not inherently transnational, as their emphasis on a specific geographic area may limit the desirability of cooperation with foreign WSE groups. For example, ultranationalist Ukrainian WSE groups share significant ideological overlap with ultranationalist Russian WSE groups through shared beliefs in white power, but their commitments to the territorial integrity and power of their respective homelands, coupled in many cases with direct participation on opposite sides of the Ukrainian separatist conflict, leaves little room for cooperation. However, specific white nationalist and white separatist groups may have transnational aspirations or view themselves as part of a global movement. For example, the
Major Domestic and Foreign Groups
Neo-Nazi and National Socialist Groups
National Action. National Action was a relatively small (estimated 100 to 200 core activists)
Accelerationist Groups
Atomwaffen Division (AWD). n35 AWD is a WSE group with an international membership that seems to have emerged in 2015 from the now-defunct internet forum Iron March, though AWD's founder claims the group was organized several years prior. AWD is organized into cells that appear to operate with a high degree of independence. n36 The organization has explicitly violent aims and seeks to instigate a race war that will lead to the destruction of the
AWD is primarily active in
Group members have plotted or discussed terrorist attacks. One cell in
In addition to its activity in
Sonnenkrieg Division. Sonnenkrieg Division is an AWD-inspired,
Feuerkrieg Division (FKD). Feuerkrieg Division is an AWD-inspired group founded in the Baltics, with purported members in several European countries and a
The Base. Organized in 2018 by an individual who refers to himself as "Norman Spear" and "
The majority of the group's activity takes place in
Members explicitly advocate mass violence in their online communications. While The Base has not successfully executed a terrorist attack, members from
White Nationalist and White Separatist Groups
In
The factions of the
Few significant white separatist WSE groups currently exist in
In
White Power Skinheads
Major transnational white power skinhead groups include the British-origin Blood & Honour (B&H), the affiliated Combat 18 (C18), and the
C18 is closely tied to B&H and is sometimes described as its armed wing. n57 The 18 in the group's name is an overt reference to
In contrast to the loose structure initially adopted by B&H, the Hammerskins originated as a nationwide umbrella for
Domestic Activities
Violent Activity
American WSE groups are divided over the use of violence. While some view terrorism and mass killings as essential tools for achieving their goals, others are more commonly implicated in unplanned assaults and murders. n65 Still others view overt violence as a potential threat to the movement's growth.
Most of the successful WSE terrorist attacks in
Some WSE groups seek out confrontation at rallies and demonstrations, with the intention of engaging in street brawls. Violence at such events can originate not only with WSE groups, but also their opponents, whether anti-fascist protesters or other opposition groups. It can frequently (though not always) be difficult to discern who showed up looking for a fight and who engaged in legitimate self-defense; the true responsible party may not be identifiable. However, some WSE groups that eschew terrorism, mass violence, targeted murders, and assaults do prepare for and intentionally encourage or incite street brawls. Street violence of this nature may be spontaneous, expected, and welcomed, but not intentionally plotted beyond establishing conditions likely for it to occur. Multiple WSE groups notably arrived at the 2017 Unite the Right Rally anticipating violence and prepared for it, armed with makeshift weapons and shields. These groups include the
In addition to physical violence, WSE groups frequently use intimidation tactics, including explicit or implicit threats they deliver through property destruction, vandalism and graffiti, flyering, and physical intimidation.
Preparations for Violence
Members of WSE groups may also participate in paramilitary training camps or other activities that prepare adherents for violence. The level of preparation can vary, including defensive tactics and the construction of shields, as executed by the Shield Wall Network, to shooting drills. n69 Both AWD and The Base have held training camps for their members--referred to by The Base as "hate camps"--throughout
Hate camps represent a critical step for this newer generation of extremist groups, serving as a steppingstone from online activity to real-world action. ProPublica reported on an early Atomwaffen hate camp held in the
At least 10 members from different states attended, with some driving in from as far away as
These camps serve many functions. They allow groups to engage in tactical training, hold sensitive offline discussion, build group trust, and further indoctrinate members. The camps also provide raw material for future propaganda.
Prison Gangs and Criminal Activity
Some violent WSE activity is tied to criminal activity and prison gangs. Major WSE prison gangs include the Aryan Brotherhood and the Aryan
Transnational Activities and Connections
WSE groups are connected to a global WSE movement through shared ideologies, but many are also connected through joint transnational activities, including participation in protests, historical commemorations, entertainment events, conferences, and--occasionally--combat. Often, the purpose of these activities is to establish cross-border links. Some groups even establish chapters or operate in multiple countries. n73 Their transnational activities are sometimes internal to the movement, meant to further connect organizations and adherents. Sometimes they are external, designed to raise public awareness of WSE ideologies and recruit new members. This section introduces some of the activities and events that draw international attendance or support from WSE groups and individuals.
Protests, Demonstrations, and Festivals
Public-facing protests and demonstrations, which connect members and bring attention to the WSE movement, are a significant part of the movement's transnational activities. In addition to raising awareness of WSE ideology, protests and demonstrations serve as internal networking events for the movement. Key dates related to white supremacist extremism--particularly those relevant to Nazism and similar political movements--often serve as the basis for demonstrations, protests, and festivals that draw international attendance. Examples include:
* Shield and Sword Festival. Perhaps the most notable historical event celebrated by WSE groups worldwide is
. Lukov March. The ultranationalist political party
. Festung Budapest/Day of Honor. Various foreign WSE groups attend Festung Budapest, also known as the Day of Honor, an annual commemoration of the 1945 Siege of
Entertainment Events
International entertainment events unite WSE groups across borders and offer networking, fundraising, and recruiting opportunities. Entertainment events with an international draw are some of the largest events in the WSE sphere, particularly in
Neo-Nazi and National Socialist black metal (NSBM) concerts provide a platform for songs and lyrics that promote violence towards minorities, romanticize Nazi
In
In
Mixed martial-arts (MMA) events play a smaller, but increasingly prominent, role in forming transnational connections for the movement. An MMA "fight night" was held prior to the Asgardsrei concert in
Conferences
WSE groups and individuals often participate in international conferences organized by and intended for the broader white identity politics movement, including non-violent groups. These conferences serve as networking events, help disseminate relevant ideologies, and foster the transmission of political tactics. Notable international fora that have attracted transnational WSEs include the
Foreign Fighters and the Ukrainian and Russian Nexus
Right Sector forms another element of the Ukrainian nexus. The organization's leadership seems to share the vision of a European Reconquista espoused by
Despite the stalemate and reduced number of military engagements following the Minsk II Accords in 2015,
Russian extremist groups, most notably the
The next portion of my testimony turns to the other side of the political spectrum, specifically militant anarchism and anti-fascism. Adherents to these ideologies are part of the move toward armed politics domestically. As I noted earlier, the threat of lethal violence from adherents to WSE ideologies greatly eclipses that posed by adherents to militant anarchism and anti-fascism.
Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
Historical Background: The Origins of Contemporary Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
Different historical conditions in
Central to the anarchist movement's adoption of violence was the emergence of the concept of propaganda by deed, which holds that violent action is the best way to draw attention to a political cause and generate momentum. n102 Toward the final decades of the nineteenth century, immigrants from
Modern anti-fascism is inspired by opposition to fascism in
Anarchist militancy re-emerged gradually, gaining its greatest traction in Southern and
Following the
Anarchist and Anti-Fascist Ideology: Key Tenets and Global Trends
Anarchism and anti-fascism, while often conflated with one another, are distinct ideologies and movements. Anarchism is defined by opposition to the modern state, generally seeking to replace it with systems of mutual cooperation and horizontal organization, while anti-fascism is shaped primarily by opposition to perceived fascism and racism. Neither anarchism nor anti-fascism possess universally accepted doctrines, and the movements in some ways lend themselves to variegated definitions. Thus, the definitions that follow should not be construed as the anti-fascist or anarchist position. Rather, this testimony describes a collection of beliefs among militant factions of highly diverse and largely decentralized movements. Accordingly, this testimony uses the term antifa only in the context of groups that explicitly adopt that label. Anti-fascism better encapsulates both the core element of the ideology (that is, opposition to perceived fascism) as well as the range of groups that organize around this principle. This distinction avoids the erroneous implication that there is a single unified Antifa organization within
Anarchism
Anarchists, both militant and non-militant, believe that individual freedom is paramount, and that hierarchies of authority and power are generally infringements upon that freedom. They oppose traditional forms of government, instead advocating for decision-making by consensus, direct democracy, and the organization of society by mutual association. Anarchists typically oppose private property rights, which they view as an element of centralized authority. n106
In order to achieve these goals, some anarchists, referred to here as militant anarchists, employ violence. However, anarchism is not an inherently violent ideology. Anarchists embrace a wide range of tactics to achieve their goals, the majority of which are nonviolent. Some anarchists eschew violence in any form. Many anarchists only condone violence as a means of self-defense, believing they can dismantle the state through non-violent means. Other anarchists may accept violence as necessary to achieve their political goals, but do not themselves engage in violence or directly support it. Peaceful activities by anarchist groups include civil disobedience, protest, and community organizing.
A key element of many anarchist movements is direct action. While the term has multiple overlapping meanings and connotations, direct action can best be understood as an attempt to achieve concrete aims through individual and group efforts rather than by relying on appeals to the state or another external authority or source of power. n107 The term typically indicates a degree of militancy in the actions taken, which stop short of insurrection. As
Anti-Fascism
The term anti-fascism has diverse meanings. It can describe a coherent movement, an ideology, an identity, an activity, or a political orientation. n110 Simply defined, anti-fascism is opposition to fascism and its proponents. However, anti-fascists often target a wider array of political opponents than a literal definition of fascism would imply, either because they adopt an overly broad definition of fascism or because they seek to combat a broader array of ideologies that they identify as "far-right." n111 The single-issue nature of the anti-fascist movement brings together participants who embrace a wide set of political ideologies, typically those considered to be on the left of the political spectrum, including socialism, communism, and anarchism. n112 Organizers often intentionally keep the movement broad, focusing on combating a limited set of beliefs rather than establishing a particular political program. Because the movement's interpretation of fascism tends to be broad, it may define numerous objectives as effectively anti-fascist. For example, one organizer and kickboxer with the
Within the broader, and mostly peaceful, anti-fascist movement, militants occupy a small niche. Anti-fascism is not an inherently violent ideology, and not all direct action undertaken even by militant anti-fascists is violent. However, when militant anti-fascists resort to violence, they possess three main rationales for doing so. First, anti-fascists believe that rational debate and government action have historically failed to halt fascism, and therefore violent direct action - sometimes reactive, sometimes preemptive - is justified and necessary. n114 Second, anti-fascists argue that militant organizing has historically succeeded in reducing fascists' activity and disrupting their organizing power. n115 Finally, they hold that violent self-defense is appropriate in the face of fascist violence. Militants sometimes justify violence as speaking to fascists "in their own language." n116 The definition of self-defense adopted by militant anti-fascists can be expansive, and they often consider preemptive violence to be self-defense. n117
The growing number of domestic anti-fascist and anti-racist groups dedicated to armed self-defense is noteworthy. Numerous anti-fascist "gun clubs" embrace the Second Amendment and carry firearms. The majority of these groups and their members are not violent extremists and are not directly connected to violence. They see guns as an important element in defending themselves and marginalized communities from fascists, racists, and other hostile groups.
He was a hero in many ways. There has not been a single event that we've attended where at least one person doesn't come up to us to tell us how Will has changed their life. Even those who didn't know him personally but who have read his words say his ideology has become a driving force in their lives. "you don't have to burn the motherfucker down, but are you going to just stand by?" ... He lives on in those that loved him and those who continue his work. Rest in power, Will. n119
Related Movements
The militant anarchist and anti-fascist movements intersect with other forms of political militancy, most notably ecological and animal-rights movements, as well as separatist and indigenous resistance movements. Anarchist movements may embrace ecological militancy as part of a broad program of anti-state and anti-capitalist resistance.
Militant environmentalist and animal rights groups use violence to disrupt business practices and industries they view as damaging the environment. The violence they employ can include direct attacks on infrastructure and facilities, such as laboratories conducting animal research, as well as attacks on government facilities, banks, and other elements viewed as symbolic of the capitalist system. n120 Some ecological and animal rights militants explicitly embrace anarchist political programs. Moreover, ecological and animal rights militant groups such as the
Anarchists and anti-fascists also support numerous separatist and indigenous movements. For example, they may act in support of American Indian and First Peoples movements in
Overview of Domestic and Foreign Militant Groups
Militant anarchist and anti-fascist networks have historically emphasized local, community level-organizing. Affinity groups - small, local groups of individuals that organize actions - typically represent the basic unit of organization for both sets of actors. Within anarchist networks, cells may form only to carry out a limited number of actions, often only one, before disbanding. Thus, attributing violence to a single persistent organization can be difficult. When national or international groups are formed, they are usually (but not always) informal, demonstrating limited coordination over time.
For anti-fascist groups, the level of groups' organization varies within and between countries. n123 Prior to 2020, membership numbers that could be attributed to
Militant anarchists, like anti-fascists, organize into small affinity groups. n126 These groups are sometimes connected to larger, possibly transnational, networks. While some cells may coordinate, others are linked only by violent acts committed under a common name. The broader networks do not appear to exercise centralized control. It is also unclear from open sources to what extent cells communicate with one another beyond public communiques.
Through early 2020, violence perpetrated by militant anarchists in
Because of the disparity in the domestic threat posed by WSE groups as opposed to militant anti-fascist or anarchist groups, this testimony does not profile individual militant anti-fascist or anarchist organizations. Instead, it explores various kinds of violence employed by this movement, both domestically and internationally.
Violent Activities
Militant anarchists and anti-fascists engage in a range of violent activity. The kinds of violence and the targets against which violence is employed vary by group, location, and ideology. While militant anarchists and anti-fascists in
That killing aside, the use of violence by militant anarchists and anti-fascists may be constrained by their ideological commitments. Militant anarchists and anti-fascists are more likely to engage in what they dub "defensive" violence, or violence intended to protect protesters from interference or harm by political opponents or law enforcement. Militant anarchists target property more often than they target people, viewing such attacks as less violent means of combating capitalism and the state. When using potentially dangerous tactics intended to cause property damage or draw public attention, such as bombings or arson, many anarchist groups do so late at night at locations likely to be devoid of people, thus mitigating the risk of injury or death. These groups sometimes attempt to evacuate potential casualties prior to carrying out bombings. Groups that have employed lethal violence, particularly nihilistic groups such as Individualidades Tendiendo a lo Salvaje (ITS), are generally rejected by the broader anarchist community, including by other militant anarchists. n128
Street Violence and Riots
The most common anti-fascist and anarchist violence in
Street violence is of growing concern in
The following month, a violent march that prominently included militant anarchists and anti-fascists in
The threat of violence by militant anarchists and anti-fascists at protests has persisted into 2020, most prominently during the civil unrest following
Militant anti-fascists and anarchists have used a number of low-grade, commercially available weapons or self-modified tools for offensive and defensive purposes. Clubs, poles, and bats of various kinds can serve multiple purposes. Offensively, they can be used to beat opponents. Defensively, they can be used to counter advancing law enforcement or to deflect and counter police batons or similarly styled weapons in the hands of opponents. Bricks, bottles, cans, and other makeshift projectiles are common. Pepper spray or other chemical irritants are sometimes used, both for personal protection and for assault. n137 Militant anarchists and anti-fascists also frequently make use of shields. Some groups use shields in formation to form a wall.
In addition to these relatively simple weapons, some anarchists and anti-fascists make use of more novel tools, including low-grade explosives or incendiary devices such as Molotov cocktails and fireworks, along with lasers. Fireworks are often used at protests to disorient law enforcement, and can cause bodily harm. Protesters frequently engage in simple arson, burning trash cans, debris, or other objects, often in an attempt to attract attention. n138 Lasers may be directed at the eyes of opponents, especially law enforcement. This tactic can cause physical harm and is illegal in many places. Lasers are also used against electronic systems. In
Militant anti-fascists and anarchists committing violent acts at protests often do so as part of black blocs. Black bloc refers to an organizational tactic often employed by anarchists and anti-fascists when engaging in protests or direct action. n140 When in black bloc, individuals wear masks, bandanas, and head-to-toe black clothing to project strength and group uniformity while maintaining anonymity. n141 The primary rationale for black bloc is to prevent identification of individual actors by the state or other opponents. n142 Black blocs tend to both form and disassemble within the marches and protests in which they appear; they are often formed by a coalition of militant groups, rather than emerging from a single, persistent organization. n143 Black bloc does not belong to one particular group or ideology. The tactic originated with
Black bloc has multiple uses for militant actors. Defensively, it protects both nonviolent activists and extremists from surveillance and possible law enforcement action. It allows disparate groups to organize into larger, more powerful units and affords them mobility. Offensively, militant anarchists and anti-fascists can use the anonymity that black bloc affords to carry out various forms of direct action, ranging from vandalism to assaults on law enforcement and political opposition.
Black blocs also facilitate de-arresting tactics. Anarchists, anti-fascists, and other protesters claim to have used de-arresting tactics in the Battle for
In rare instances, street violence, or the threat of it, may be employed by militant anarchists and anti-fascists to establish and maintain control of small autonomous spaces. These spaces may then be used by activists for protest activities, community organizing, or as a refuge for populations they believe to be victimized (for example, undocumented migrants). Autonomous spaces have been formed in both
Arson
Beyond using incendiary devices during protests, anarchists in
* Vehicles. In 2012, an anarchist in
* Political Offices, Government Officials, and Law Enforcement. On
* Infrastructure. An anarchist group calling itself the
* Construction Sites. Housing developments have been targeted in areas where gentrification is a concern. A group referring to itself simply as Some Anarchists claimed responsibility for the
In European countries with significant militant anarchist or anti-fascist activity, arson is more common and is aimed against a more diverse array of targets.
Bombings
Militant anarchists and anti-fascists in
In contrast, explosives are a frequent - and often preferred - tool of foreign militant anarchists. They are used in attacks targeting both people and property. Most of the explosives are crude improvised explosive devices used to destroy property. Designs vary, but some have been as simple as gunpowder placed inside a fire extinguisher. n159 Some attacks in
Assassination, Murder, and Targeted Assault
Some militant anarchists and anti-fascists target specific individuals or groups beyond the context of street violence, with varying degrees of harm intended and inflicted. Some groups employ targeted assaults. Other groups, particularly abroad, have targeted their enemies for assassination. In
Assassinations and targeted assaults are more frequently carried out by insurrectionary anarchists in
Intimidation and Doxxing
Doxxing is a tactic that involves publishing private or personally identifiable information about an individual or organization (such as home addresses, names of the target's children, and the schools they attend). It is commonly used by both violent and non-violent anti-fascists and anarchists in
Doxxing has been utilized across the extremist spectrum. It was used recently in advance of January's
While doxxing carries implied threats, militant anarchists and anti-fascists often accompany doxxing with direct threats against individuals and organizations. For example, members of Smash Racism DC, an anti-racism group in
Transnational Connections
The transnational connections among militant anarchists and anti-fascists reflect the role of affinity groups and horizontal organizing in crafting these movements' networks. Bound together by shared ideals, these groups place great emphasis on indirect communication via public statements and the exchange of information at a distance.
Militant anarchists and anti-fascists use violent actions to express solidarity with their comrades. Particular actions and accompanying statements demonstrate commitment to a common cause. The
As is the case with the WSE movement, anti-fascists and anarchists, including some Americans, have traveled abroad to participate in armed conflicts, which attract militants from multiple foreign countries. Connections formed between militant anarchists and anti-fascists fighting in these conflicts may form the basis for future transnational coordination.
Rojava, a geographic space in northeastern
Not all foreign fighters who joined the YPG have been anarchists, anti-fascists, or even left of center politically. However, a contingent of left-wing American and European foreign fighters organized into an English-speaking platoon called "Antifa International Tabur." The Antifa platoon managed to make a name for itself in the fight against
A smaller number of anti-fascists and anarchists have traveled to
Blurred Lines: Reciprocal Radicalization and Fringe Fluidity
One set of challenges related to the current rise in domestic extremism relates to the way in which extremists interact with each other. In the current polarized climate, the presence of opposite extremes tends to strengthen both sides and provides average people a reason to drift toward extremes. Theories of reciprocal radicalization and fringe fluidity reveal how this dynamic impacts the ecosystem of extremism.
The concept of reciprocal radicalization describes how the increased power and success of groups aligned with one extremist ideology will fuel recruitment and encourage activity by groups aligned with ostensibly opposing ideologies, in what becomes a mutually reinforcing cycle. Interactions between groups locked into reciprocal radicalization often result in "a bizarre mixture of cooperation, competition, and overt fighting between different groups." n172 This phenomenon exists between many forms of political militancy. Reciprocal radicalization can be spurred by opposing groups' rhetoric.
Anti-fascist groups in particular tend to be reactive. They most often emerge and mobilize when a core mass of individuals perceives a fascist or racist threat. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, for example,
Conversely, right-of-center extremist groups use public awareness of anti-fascism, heightened by the participation of militant anti-fascists at protests that have become violent, to recruit and mobilize their own followers. The Proud Boys, a controversial group that has a history of street violence and describes its orientation as "Western chauvinism," has been particularly effective, organizing marches and rallies directly themed around countering anti-fascists. White supremacist extremists and militia groups have similarly leveraged anti-fascist activity to hold and advertise public events. n174
Opposing extremists may develop a symbiotic relationship in which they reinforce each other's worst fears, drive each other's recruitment, and provoke one another into "tit-for-tat" retaliation. n175 They can confirm one another's narratives by telling the same stories with the role of victim and demon reversed. For example, in
When extremes answer extremes in this manner, society writ large suffers. Neutral parties can be drawn toward embracing or joining militant groups. The media may amplify material that reinforces and provokes the extremes, thus normalizing their narratives. Part of the threat thus lies in extremists' ability to dictate the conversation and push neutral parties into the same dichotomous camps that the extremists inhabit.
Another dynamic at play in the extremist ecosystem is fringe fluidity, a radicalization pathway in which individuals who come to accept and act on an extremist ideology transition from the embrace of one form of violent extremism to another. In cases of fringe fluidity, the pathway to the new form of violent extremism can be understood in the context of the individual's prior ideology. Often, a shared out-group forms an important commonality between the two ideologies. n177
Militant anarchism advocates the violent rejection of the state, capitalism, and most other ordering principles of contemporary Western society. Some forms of militant anarchism intersect with other ideologies that reject similar principles to form hybrid ideologies and provide opportunities for tactical learning. One such hybrid ideology is national anarchism, which lays claim to the anarchist label but advocates opposition to the state in order to advance racist ideals--a combination that is antithetical to most other anarchists' outlook. National anarchists view anarchy as an opportunity to advance an ideology of white separatism and create new white ethno-states from the chaos. They desire racially divided "national autonomous zones." National anarchists also emphasize elements of environmentalism. The most prominent group in
ITS, which defines itself as an anarchist and ecological extremist group, has in its official communiques repeatedly expressed admiration for terrorist groups and individuals subscribing to very different ideologies. ITS, as previously discussed, is distinct from most anarchist groups in its attitude toward indiscriminate violence. Fueled by nihilism, the group applauds mass violence of all kinds. Thus, ITS has praised members of
Fringe fluidity demonstrates the extent to which extremists may be able to prioritize common grievances and goals even when their overarching ideologies conflict. Individuals may shift between extremist streams before ultimately carrying out violent acts in the name of one. For example,
Conclusion and Policy Recommendations
To conclude, I offer several potential policies that subcommittee members may consider. The first three potential policies are aimed specifically at countering the financing of violent extremist groups, while the remaining policies contend with the domestic violent extremist threat more broadly. I would like to stress at the outset that any policies introduced to combat domestic violent extremism must be narrowly targeted and rights-protective. Policies that unfairly target one subset of domestic violent extremists, or that seek to criminalize constitutionally protected behaviors, may only serve to push the country closer toward deepening conflict.
The
Designating extremist groups as terrorist organizations is a significant step that the Departments of State and the
Consider Introducing a Domestic Designation Statute.
Enacting a statute that allows for designation of domestic violent extremist organizations as terrorist organizations is an option to consider. The creation--and even-handed employment--of such a statute would likely be the most direct way to address and interdict sources of funding for domestic violent extremist organizations. Such designation would potentially criminalize the act of financing these organizations and enable authorities to clamp down on the assets that these organizations may already hold. At the same time, this statute would be fraught with fairness and civil liberties concerns.
The first area of concern is ensuring that this statute is ideologically neutral in conception and application. Designations should correspond to the actual threat of violence that individual groups pose, not simply the ideas that they espouse. The use of a domestic designation statute to target groups adhering to only certain ideologies would potentially heighten the risk of extremist violence. The perception of unfair singling out for designation may become a rallying cry, drawing more members to violent extremists' ranks.
Second, this statute must be clear about the predicate acts that could result in designation. Vague or imprecise language about predicate acts would render the statute vulnerable to legal challenges and open the door for bias in its application. Not only must the predicate acts be clearly articulated, but the threshold for designation should be relatively high: For a group to be designated, it must pose a legitimate threat to the lives of others.
Finally, the statute must be accompanied by a redress mechanism to challenge designations since the consequences of being designated as a terrorist organization are severe.
Map Groups and Their Finances.
Even if there existed extensive investigatory and prosecutorial tools to leverage against domestic violent extremist organizations, a dearth of knowledge on how these organizations are funded and structured would hamper efforts to interdict or seize assets. Accordingly, it is important to deepen our understanding of the organizational structures and funding mechanisms common to domestic violent extremist organizations.
The current consensus among experts who study domestic violent extremist organizations is that these groups are relatively fluid and devoid of organizational structure. This may be so. However, I have observed a tendency among those who study militant organizations to see groups as disorganized or non-hierarchical when they in fact have a hidden hierarchy or organizational structure. Past inaccuracies suggest that our current understanding of domestic violent extremist organizations' structure may be incomplete. It is also the case that, in the digital age, fluid organizational structures can quickly morph into more concrete ones. The potential for this rapid transformation increases the need to unearth concealed or loose organizational structures. By understanding how organizations may seek to align themselves in times of conflict, authorities can proactively disrupt sources of funding and mitigate the potential for increased harm. Further research in this area is thus justified.
Conduct Messaging Campaigns Aimed at Discrediting Violent Extremist Groups.
The point of a "startups within government" approach is that government messaging efforts tend to be overly risk-averse. Most startups in the commercial sphere fail within their first three years of existence, and that is a good thing: Those that survive the Darwinian process confronting new businesses often go on to become highly profitable and accomplished. A "startups within government" model would accept the near certainty of failed experiments, with the understanding that those de-bureaucratized cells that do not fail in a competitive environment are more likely to have an outsize impact on the problem they are addressing. It is worth exploring whether this approach would be an innovative and appropriate response to WSE and other violent extremist groups in the realm of messaging.
Work with
Since many violent extremists are transnational in nature, particularly the WSE movement, the
Understand the Dynamics of Reciprocal Radicalization and Fringe Fluidity.
As this testimony details, one set of challenges related to violent extremism stems from the way in which extremists interact with each other. In an era of heightened political polarization and violence, extremists may seize the opportunity to draw recruits and mobilize from a growing menu of overlapping and sometimes conflicting militant ideologies, making fringe fluidity an increasingly powerful force. Likewise, evidence of reciprocal radicalization among extremist groups demands attention, as extremists of one political persuasion have no shortage of opposing actors and events to radicalize them. The
Do Not Show Ambiguity with Groups That Employ Sub-State Violence. Resist the Temptation to Pick Sides Between Extremist Groups.
In recent years, politicians have too often spoken on issues of extremist violence with ambiguity and a lack of clarity. In the context of a broader national move toward armed politics, this is highly problematic. Political leaders should recognize the role they may play in furthering extremist narratives. Reacting to violent extremism by choosing a side serves to prioritize goals and enemies as the extremist would. It is important to resist the temptation to pick sides between extremist groups. As political factions and movements in
Create Architecture for the Age of Mass Attacks.
As discussed, WSEs have conducted mass attacks in public spaces, some of which have left significant numbers dead. In too many mass attacks, the built environment, including architecture, infrastructure, and other human-made features, has aided attackers and worked against those trying to escape from harm's way. Victims have been trapped by limited exits or prevented from securing the room they are in by doors that do not lock from the inside. A solution to this challenge is crisis architecture, an architectural paradigm I developed that seeks to maximize the likelihood that individuals will survive a mass attack. It offers a set of design principles that incorporate integrated tactical, psychological, and technological security measures, while preserving the function and aesthetics of buildings to which these measures are applied. n184
n1
n2
n3
n4
n5
n6
n7
n8
n9 See discussion in "Social Media Account Disseminates Translations of Christchurch Manifesto, Livestream,"
n10 "The Russians and Ukrainians Translating the Christchurch Shooter's Manifesto," Bellingcat,
n11 While
n12 See, for example,
n13 See, for example,
n14
n15 This facet of leaderless resistance can be discerned in the seminal essay on the topic by theorist
n16 The specific communications channels used by WSE accelerationists shift frequently, as internet service providers and other companies frequently deny movement adherents' access.
n17 Mason, Siege, pages 34-37 and 228.
n18 "Prominent American Neo-Nazi Terror Group Establishes Official Communication Platform, Posts Evidence of Flyering Campaigns,"
n19 For an extended treatment of The Turner Diaries and other works of racist dystopian fiction, see
n20 See Tarrant, "The Great Replacement" (in a section titled "Destabilization and Accelerationism," Tarrant urges that "stability and comfort are the enemies of revolutionary change.... We must destabilize and discomfort society where ever possible"); Earnest, "An Open Letter" (proclaiming that "The Day of the Rope [a reference to violent fictional events in The Turner Diaries] is here right now--that is if you have the gnads to keep the ball rolling").
n21 See, for example,
n22 Both AWD and The Base are organized using this structure. See, for example,
n23 Group members were arrested in
n24 The term skinhead alone does not imply that an individual or group has an affiliation with white power or national socialism. The subculture originated as a multiethnic phenomenon among both native-born and immigrant British working-class youths. A movement of anti-racist skinheads, sometimes referred to as Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice, or SHARP, seeks to reject racist elements of the subculture today.
n25
n26 Ibid., pages 402-403 and 406-407.
n27 Ibid., page 403.
n28 See "Profile: Wisconsin Sikh temple shooter
n29 See
n30 "About Us,"
n31 Compare the
n32 Plea Agreement,
n33 "Far-right group National Action to be banned under terror laws,"
n34 See, for example, "Two neo-Nazi groups added to banned list,"
n35 In
n36 Cells and individual members have been identified in several
n37 A now-defunct iteration of the group's website provided a list of texts explaining its ideology. These works included Siege and
n38 See
n39
n40
n41 See
n42
n43
n44 For examples of local activity, see "Neo-Nazi Group Announces 'Florida Cell Activism,' Calls for New Recruits,"
n45
n46 Quoted in "The Base,"
n47
n48
n49
n50 For example, see
n51
n52 "Our Path,"
n53 "What is the
n54 See
n55 "History," Blood & Honour Worldwide, archived
n56 See the organization's website for a list of current chapters. "B&H Worldwide Contacts," Blood & Honour Worldwide, archived
n57 See "Listed Terrorist Entities: Currently Listed Entities,"
n58 These violent crimes are discussed in "Listed Terrorist Entities: Currently Listed Entities,"
n59 Discussed in "Combat 18," Blood &
n60 The most recent identified iteration of this event was hosted in
n61 Discussed in
n62 See, for example, Sentencing Memorandum,
n63 "Backgrounder:
n64 Affidavit in Support of Complaint,
n65 Belew has criticized the tendency to see acts of violence by WSEs as disconnected or random, writing that the movement's "deliberate obfuscation" of its activities "has clouded many journalistic and scholarly accounts. Press coverage too often portrayed organized white power violence as the work of lone gunmen driven by grievance and mental illness."
n66 See Sentencing Memorandum,
n67 Ibid.
n68 Affidavit in Support of Complaint,
n69 NBC Left Field, "Path to Radicalization: A
n70 See, for example,
n71
n72 For example, see
n73 Examples of groups with operations or chapters in other countries include the
n74 "German town braces for neo-Nazi concert on
n75
n76 "2,000 torch-wielding nationalists march through
n77 Ibid.
n78 "Cancellation of 2020 Lukov March welcomed,"
n79 See "Russian Far-Right Group Advertises Hungarian Neo-Nazi March,"
n80 See, for example, the discussion in, for example,
n81 We discerned this, for example, from experimenting with the (now defunct) websites of Asgardsrei (https://asgardsrei.zone/checkout/) and
n82
n83 "Ticket Fortress Europe 22-23.05.2020," Svastone.com, archived
n84 Germany Bundesministerium des Innern, "Verfassungsschutzbericht 2016,"
n85
n86 White Supremacy Extremism: The Transnational Rise of the
n87 For a discussion of differing viewpoints on the links between the current
n88 See
n89 Quote translated from the original Russian by Bellingcat.
n90
n91
n92 Ibid.; see also Green, "The Lost Boys of
n93
n94
n95
n96 Josephine Huetlin, "Russian Extremists Are Training Right-Wing Terrorists from
n97 Ibid.
n98
n99
n100 Ibid.
n101
n102
n103
n104 Ibid., pages 38-39.
n105 Ibid., page 3.
n106 See, for example, "To Change Everything: An Anarchist Appeal," CrimethInc, 2018. (https://crimethinc.com/tce);
n107 Direct action is distinct from civil disobedience, which is intended to pressure the state or another entity to take action.
n108
n109
n110
n111 Ibid.
n112
n113 Bray, The Antifascist Handbook, page 103.
n114 Ibid., page 169.
n115 Ibid.
n116 Ibid., page 65.
n117 Ibid., page 169.
n118
n119 "Rest in Power, Will, One Year Later,"
n120 For additional information on environmental and animal rights militancy in
n121 "Report Back from the Battle for Sacred Ground," CrimethInc,
n122 See, for example, "
n123 See "Forming an
n124
n125
n126
n127
n128 See, for example, "'ITS, or the Rhetoric of Decay' (Joint Statement of Insurrectional Groups in Mexican Territory)," 325,
n129
n130 Ibid.;
n131
n132
n133 Near the conclusion of the rally, a white supremacist extremist drove his vehicle into a crowd of counter-protesters, killing one and injuring several more. For an overview of violent activities surrounding the rally, see
n134
n135 See, for example,
n136
n137 "Black-Clad Anarchists Storm Berkeley Rally, Assaulting 5," CNBC,
n138
n139
n140
n141
n142
n143
n144 "A Communique from One Section of the Black Bloc of N30 in
n145
n146 Molly Crabapple, "The Attack on Exarchia, an Anarchist Refuge in
n147 Ashitha Nagesh, "This Police-Free Protest Zone Was Dismantled - But Was It the End?,"
n148
n149
n150
n151 "Man Who Threw Molotov Cocktail at
n152 "Incendiary Attack Against Amazon in
n153
n154
n155
n156 Puget Sound Anarchists, "Attack on
n157 "What Went Down," Anathema (
n158
n159
n160
n161 "Greek Leftist Group Claims Golden Dawn Assassinations,"
n162
n163 "Eco-Nihilist Group Claims Responsibility for Attempted Murder of Chilean Mass Transit Official,"
n164
n165
n166
n167
n168
n169 Ibid.
n170 See, for example,
n171
n172
n173
n174 See, for example, "Far-Right Advertises Upcoming Protest in
n175
n176 Ibid., p. 185.
n177
n178 "California Racists Claim They're Anarchists," SPLC Intelligence Report (May 2009).
n179 "ITS Releases Seventy-First Communique, Promising to 'Indiscriminately Kill' Until Stopped by Force,"
n180 ITS-Mexico, "(Mexhico) 77 Comunicado de ITS: Sobre la Macacre Eco-Fascista
n181 Tarrant details his various inspirations and beliefs in his manifesto, where he observed that "when I was young I was a communist, then an anarchist, and finally a libertarian before coming to be an eco-fascist." He describes inspiration from a number of ideologies, figures, and cultures, some of which are apparently in conflict with one another.
n182
n183 For more discussion on how governments may be able to adopt lessons from start-ups in countering WSEs and other violent non-state actors, see:
n184
Read this original document at: https://democrats-financialservices.house.gov/UploadedFiles/HHRG-117-BA10-Wstate-Gartenstein-RossD-20210225.pdf
Patent Issued for Systems And Methods For Managing Insurance For Devices Located Within A Property Based On Insurance-Related Events (USPTO 10,922,756)
Why M&T Bank Is Primed For Its Biggest Acquisition Deal Ever
Advisor News
- Most Gen Z investors think less than a year ahead when making financial decisions
- IRI pitches retirement agenda to Jeffries as democrats shape affordability platform
- Help child-free clients plan for their later years
- When new investment trends emerge, Gen Z is most likely generation to be first in
- Could ‘plain English’ become an advisor’s secret weapon?
More Advisor NewsAnnuity News
- Guidance, bulletin or reg? NAIC debates form of annuity illustration update
- Nationwide adds mutual fund-linked strategy to New Heights Select FIA
- NUNN INTRODUCES BILL TO CUT RED TAPE, GIVE IOWANS CLEARER INSURANCE INFORMATION
- NAIC working group pressed to accelerate annuity illustration overhaul
- State Auditor James Brown Kicks Off Life Insurance Awareness Month With Policy Locator Tool
More Annuity NewsHealth/Employee Benefits News
Life Insurance News