The Global Financial Crisis from an Australian Perspective: Great Farsighted Choices, or Good Fortune and Chance? [RMA Journal, The]
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We also learned that large financial institutions can, with seasoned risk managers in the chief risk officer (CRO) role, position themselves to be opportunistic acquirers both during a crisis and as the tsunami-like effects of major market disruptions dissipate. Smaller financial institutions do not necessarily fare so well in such dramatic times.
The underpinning Australian economy provides context for our analysis. Briefly, consistent budget surpluses and economic growth were the hallmarks of the domestic economy pre-crisis. When the global effects of the crisis were recognized, the federal government took quick action. It implemented guarantees for bank depositors' funds as well as for bank borrowings, it enacted spending programs across the building construction industry for upgrades of public facilities, it made small cash payments to individual taxpayers, and it introduced a program to facilitate the purchase of residential mortgage-backed securities. Concurrent with these interventions,
Within this particularly advantageous economic setting, we examined four principal themes:
1. Regulator behavior.
2. The shape of the industry and lessons learned.
3. Internal systems and processes.
4. Risk culture and appetite.
Regulator Behavior
Prudential regulation in
Wallis oversaw the separation of regulatory risk from that of systemic risk and created two new entities: the
The separation of these responsibilities in the late 1990s led to the emergence of invigorated regulators that had secured a recent mandate to drive a refreshed approach to their individual areas of focus. The result was enhanced oversight of all risk areas, with increased focus on operational risk and market risk.
The Asian financial crisis of 1997 served to underscore those mandates. In addition, in 2001,
Shape of the Australian Banking Industry
Australian banks are comparatively large organizations, and approximately 80% of financial intermediation is conducted by the four largest banks.
Each of these four banks expanded their U.S. dollar loan books during the 1980s, primarily through syndicated lending conducted out of their U.S. offices. These offshore loan books were pared back quickly in 1990-92, when the Australian economy entered a major period of contraction and bank losses were severe to extreme.
At least one of the major banks experienced a near-death event during that time. The result of the hard-learned lessons of the 1990-92 economic contraction was that, in facing the new millennium, Australian banks chose to limit the bulk of their lending activities to the domestic economy, which rewarded them by expanding. The bulk of the expansion was in housing, and a large proportion of lending, and consequently of bank balance sheets, became housing-related. Generally, Australian banks lent conservatively, requiring cash deposits-sometimes as high as 30%. Borrower recourse was a standard condition of the loan.
The global financial crisis of 2007-09 came to be seen largely as an event that impacted non-Australian entities, with one key exception. It was viewed as another external event that was part of a chain of events to be managed by Australian banks. These events included:
* The banks' 1992 extreme losses.
* The 1997 Asian financial crisis.
* The creation and impact of new regulators.
* Basel II's introduction.
* The cessation of loan securitization markets in
The Australian domestic banks had quite simply become accustomed to adversity and change, be it from exogenous or endogenous sources. As a result, the Australian banks mostly tended to stick to their knitting. They had learned the lessons of a contracting economy, they had managed through the Asian crisis, and they had dealt with new regulators and new regulation. They were also blessed with an expanding domestic economy from 1993 to 2007 that provided a large and steady source of economic activity that required basic, but certainly not market-leading, loan underwriting capability.
The global crisis's principal impact on Australian banks related to liquidity and funding. Although there were rea68 sonably sized credit failures, there was less of an impact from credit risk or operational risk. The crisis was also responsible for banks reviewing their margin lending loan books that facilitated financing for equities. These products had been a sizable and lightly managed growth component within the scope of market risk. Over time, the less immediate issues of operational and reputational risk failures related to nonbank financiers emerged, causing a number of banking system participants some embarrassment.
Because of the Australian economy's structure, by 2007 more than 40% of banking system assets were financed by overseas borrowings. The banking system was very vulnerable to potential crises, relating either to single names or to the obligors' country of origin. The federal government recognized this risk in the early stages of the crisis and proactively provided guarantees of both deposits and borrowings, using the country's AAA rating, which was never threatened. (The government guarantee on deposits of up to
This is not to say that it was smooth sailing for all market participants during the crisis, particularly some of the smaller institutions. The
Other smaller-scale market participants carried loan books that were largely housing-focused and locally funded, including a significant reliance on securitization markets. The securitization markets basically shut down in
With access to securitization markets almost at a standstill, the major banks were left in almost complete command of the residential mortgage market. This competitive disruption has yet to be reversed. The nonbank sector took a heavy blow: Many major nonbank participants closed their books and, in some cases, sold all or part of their existing loan portfolios.
Banks' Internal Systems and Processes
Australian banks regularly reviewed their systems and processes in the chase for enhanced profits during the late 1990s and early 2000s. The result was an associated boost in investment in risk and financial systems and processes, pushed by regulatory change emanating from Basel II and Sarbanes-Oxley.
The continuous pursuit of improved bottom-line profits resulted in a progressive, but significant, restructuring of all banks' internal operations, which included staff layoffs, and a risk appetite that avoided speculative areas of the domestic and international economies.
Because the Australian banking system produced consistent profits, it was able to continue lending during the crisis, although on a somewhat more selective basis. This lending was particularly helpful to the wider economy.
Australian banks were also early to recognize, identify, and adopt the concept of operational risk. As early as 1995, 70they were investigating the reasons why profitability leakage was occurring, sometimes at alarming rates. While the specific operational risk discipline has developed and grown, those early lessons made valuable contributions to the integrity of systems and processes.
Those lessons also became embedded in a number of the Australian banks. For example, outsourcing contracts sought to achieve operational cost savings by transferring responsibility for processes to third parties, but banks quickly learned that the mere conduct of processing by third parties did not transfer risk, particularly reputation risk, which remained with the bank. Therefore, controls over those processes, along with regular monitoring of the performance of third-party processors, were thrust upon banks as being operational risk matters that required skills sets different from those traditionally held.
It has been the robustness of Australian banks' systems that helped avoid the worst impacts of the crisis.
Risk Culture and Appetite
Risk culture became more prevalent and observable in Australian banks when the CRO role was broadly adopted as a group-wide model, and the CRO became largely a direct report of the chief executive officer. This structural change gave the CRO a seat at the executive table and ensured that all strategic decisions were taken with input from the risk team.
Prior to the change, the most senior risk personnel within Australian banks were chief credit officers. Following wider recognition of operational risk and market risk as discrete disciplines, the CCO role was retained, but the wider management role was expanded and redefined and the CRO role was born.
These organizational moves elevated the status of the risk family within the wider business of banking. Depending on the manner in which these changes were implemented, the voices of risk people began to be heard. Business recognized the value that risk personnel added. A clear understanding also developed regarding the business's responsibility for risk management.
Australian banks' CROs were not only experts in credit risk; they were ready to adapt and expand their knowledge base by embracing the newly defined CRO role. They also embraced their newfound roles as strategy advocates. Their move from the back office to the C-suite was relatively seamless, reflecting both their individual capabilities and their organizational maturity and knowledge.
In relation to risk appetites, it bears repeating that, historically, around 60% of Australian banks' assets have been funded by domestically sourced liabilities. The remainder of the funding task has been sourced from offshore borrowing.
This historical funding approach has continually exercised the minds of asset and liability committee chairs and has been a concern of chief risk officers. Australian banks, particularly the smaller ones, relied heavily on securitization markets to fund their business expansion. With the cessation of the securitization markets in
The introduction in 1986 of compulsory superannuation (retirement) savings for all unionized workers across the economy had served to exacerbate the historical funding gap that Australian banks had to cover in order to balance their books.
Compulsory superannuation resulted from a push by the union movement in recognition that only 39% of the workforce had some form of retirement savings, that access to those savings depended on age, gender, occupation, and employment status (full or part-time, permanent or casual, or contractor), and that only 24% of women had retirement savings.
Between 1992 and 2002, compulsory retirement savings increased from 3% of salary to 9%, all of which was employer-funded. Today, Australian retirement savings exceed
Australian banks had expanded amid awareness of domestic funding constraints, exacerbated by the diversion of retirement savings into equity and property markets, both domestic and international. Banks had grown wary of international markets from the expansion of their U.S. dollar loan books during the 1980s. Accordingly, their cultures and risk appetites set by their CROs were largely conservative in nature, but willing to entertain transactions that recognized, but still restricted, concentration risk to manageable levels. The crisis therefore was not an overly significant credit issue, but more of a liquidity/funding matter for Australian banks.
Conclusion
The combination of vigorous regulation, banks' conservative growth appetites, sound systems, and funding constraints has produced a banking industry that has weathered the financial crisis well in contrast to other banking systems around the world. Still, the skies above are not always blue. There are many who argue that
Nominal housing prices have increased 60% since 1986. In real terms, the gain is around 260%. The ratio of consumer debt, which is principally housing-related, to disposable income has increased 800% since 1970. This means that the cost of entry into the housing market has become largely prohibitive and the flow of new entrants into housing has slowed dramatically.
Furthermore, the proportion of housing investors to owner-occupiers is high in
There are also smaller banks, building societies, and credit unions that need to address their access to both capital and liquidity. Recent moves by
Across the entire banking market, the banks' intermediation function between depositors and borrowers has been made more difficult by the large gap in funding that must be covered by offshore borrowings. The banking regulator is now seeking increased levels of both capital and liquidity in order to be prepared for continuing uncertain times worldwide.
Given the less-than-certain outlook for banks, there is high demand for experienced eyes to scan the economic horizon for the next risk event. Meanwhile, across other regulated entities there is growing emphasis on the need to maintain robust risk cultures and commensurate risk appetites.
Regulatory aggression has played its part in Australian banks' crisis-related outcomes, but so too have lessons learned. Good systems and processes developed in the search for increased profitability also have assisted. These factors could all be characterized as accidents of fate or good fortune had they not been combined with the telling contributions of default-wary chief risk officers who laid the foundations for the resultant stability of their organizations.
The Australian domestic banks had quite simply become accustomed to adversity and change, be it from exogenous or endogenous sources.
PROFILE: RMA Australia
Founded in 2003,
Though its financial services industry is one of the most advanced in the world, the country's relative geographic remoteness requires its banks to make an extra effort to gain exposure to a diversity of ideas and the best global practices. Consequently, affiliation with RMA has enjoyed strong support from the executive managements of the chapter's member banks.
Members of the chapter's Managing Committee recently discussed the unique aspects of the Australian banking industry and the keys to the chapter's success with
Popular events are key to the chapter's mission, noted
The chapter held more than 25 speaker events and forums in 2011, focusing on such issues as
Most attendees at chapter meetings work in the risk area of their banks, but Lowen believes RMA programs are valuable for everyone in the institution. "I'd like other group executives to understand the value RMA adds," he said. "There is a massive opportunity to expand the membership base and our penetration and awareness."
Molyneux said that RMA Australia's future growth plans will include more activities in subgroups, including a recently convened operational risk affinity group and a credit training peer group. Plans to expand membership into related industries, including
The global financial crisis demonstrated
Molyneux, who is
"The big-ticket items are fairly consistent," said Molyneux. "We've all got the same issues."
RMA's Australia Chapter organizes regular events in several Australian cities. Membership is open to employees of member institutions and professional firms. For more information, please contact [email protected] or visit www.rmaaustralia.org.
Australian banks' CROs were not only experts in credit risk; they were ready to adapt and expand their knowledge base by embracing the newly defined CRO role.
Regulatory aggression has played its part in Australian banks' crisis-related outcomes, but so too have lessons learned.
| Copyright: | (c) 2011 Robert Morris Associates |
| Wordcount: | 3458 |



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