Center for Responsible Lending Issues Public Comment on HUD Proposed Rule - Insurance News | InsuranceNewsNet

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March 21, 2020 Newswires
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Center for Responsible Lending Issues Public Comment on HUD Proposed Rule

Targeted News Service

WASHINGTON, March 21 -- Melissa Stegman, senior policy counsel at the Center for Responsible Lending, Durham, North Carolina, has issued a public comment on the Department of Housing and Urban Development's proposed rule entitled "Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing". The comment was written on March 16, 2020, and posted on March 18, 2020:

* * *

The Center for Responsible Lending (CRL) writes in strong opposition to the 2019 Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing (AFFH) proposed rule and urges HUD to reinstate the 2015 rule. CRL is a nonprofit, non-partisan research and policy organization dedicated to protecting homeownership and family wealth by working to eliminate abusive financial practices. CRL is an affiliate of Self-Help, one of the nation's largest nonprofit community development financial institutions. Over 39 years, Self-Help has provided $8.5 billion in financing through 159,000 loans to homebuyers, small businesses, and nonprofits. It serves more than 150,000 mostly low-income members through 60 retail credit union locations in North Carolina, California, Illinois, South Carolina, Virginia, Wisconsin and Florida.

HUD's proposed revision of the 2015 AFFH rule is a complete renunciation of efforts to undo historic, government-sponsored patterns of housing discrimination and segregation. The revision would permit jurisdictions receiving HUD financial assistance and HUD itself to ignore the racial desegregation obligations under fair housing law. The proposed rule is patently inconsistent with the AFFH statutory mandate, includes misguided and ambiguous metrics, and erroneously equates a focus on increasing housing supply with fair housing.

I. A robust AFFH rule is important to help address the racial wealth gap.

Discrimination in our nation's lending and housing markets has a long and sordid history, driven by the federal government, state and local governments, private industry, and individual actors./1

The homeownership rate gap and wealth gap between whites and people of color is in large part due to historic federal housing policy choices. These policy choices deliberately excluded people of color from being able to build wealth through homeownership. Indeed, today's homeownership disparities can be traced back to New Deal housing programs that amounted to a "state-sponsored system of segregation."/2

From its inception in 1934, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) explicitly practiced a policy of redlining by refusing to insure mortgages in or near African-American neighborhoods./3

FHA relied upon color-coded metropolitan maps to indicate where it was considered "safe" to insure mortgages. These maps denoted "risky" areas in red--areas that included African-Americans or where African-Americans lived nearby./4

In FHA's 1936 Underwriting Manual, a multitude of provisions indicated that "inharmonious" racial groups should not live in the same communities./5

The manual also recommended that "natural and artificially-established barriers will prove effective in protecting a neighborhood and the locations within it from adverse influences."/6

FHA's redlining policies granted whites the ability to build wealth through homeownership while denying equal opportunities for families of color to build similar home equity over the same period.

As a result, whites amassed an economic advantage in the form of home equity that has been passed on to future generations through intergenerational wealth transfers. In 2016, the median white family had more than ten times the wealth of the median Black family./7

In fact, the racial wealth gap between Black and white families grew from about $100,000 in 1992 to $154,000 in 2016./8

The median white family gained significantly more wealth, with the median increasing by $54,000, while median wealth for Black families did not grow in real terms over the same time period./9

The racial wealth gap contributes to the fact that in the 46 largest housing markets in the country, a median income Black household can only afford 25 percent of homes on the market last year in comparison to the 57 percent that a median income white household could afford./10

Today, disparities in homeownership are a key contributor to the ongoing racial wealth gap and home equity still plays a central role in shaping family wealth for the middle class. Furthermore, discrimination and segregation harm the entire national economy. McKinsey & Company estimates that addressing historic and ongoing discrimination for Black Americans could add up to $1.5 trillion to the economy of the United States and increase the GDP between four and six percent./11

Jurisdictions have broad authority to make decisions affecting housing and urban development - decisions that impact peoples' ability to access fair, safe, and affordable housing. Jurisdictions' public policy tools can be used to achieve beneficial or nefarious ends. For example, historically, localities employed racially restrictive zoning requirements that combined economic and racial bigotry. In 1910, Baltimore pioneered racial zoning by prohibiting African-Americans from buying in majority-white areas, or whites in majority-black areas./12

Similar racial zoning policies spread throughout the country. After race-based zoning was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1917, communities switched to economic-based zoning to circumvent the ruling./13

This included policies such as exclusively requiring single-family homes in neighborhoods, minimum lot sizes, or minimum square footage requirements. Many of these zoning requirements exist to this day. The 2015 AFFH rule set out a process that helps jurisdictions exercise intentionality in identifying fair housing barriers and strive to rectify them.

There is an urgency to undo the unjust systems that local, state, and the federal government helped create. It is critical that jurisdictions robustly examine their policies and practices to ensure they are not perpetuating ongoing discrimination and segregation. In addition, they must use their authority and tools to dismantle the segregation that they helped form, or that remain as vestiges from their policies.

II. The proposed rule does not satisfy the section 3608 AFFH statutory mandate.

The Fair Housing Act includes a mandate to dismantle segregation, but the proposed rule creates a system where jurisdictions will inherently fall short of their AFFH statutory mandate. Section 3608 of the Act mandates that all executive departments and agencies - including HUD - administer their programs and activities relating to housing and urban development in a manner affirmatively to further the purposes of the Fair Housing Act./14

It also requires HUD specifically to administer federal housing funds to affirmatively further the purposes of the Act./15

The 2015 AFFH rule adhered to this statutory mandate, providing HUD program participants with a planning framework and data tools to enable them to take meaningful actions to overcome historic patterns of segregation and foster inclusive communities free from discrimination. The 2015 rule's Assessment of Fair Housing approach was the product of close to four years of consultation and public engagement and was a response to jurisdictions' requests for uniform guidance on how to meet their AFFH obligation. Additionally, the 2015 regulation was specifically designed to address all of the weaknesses that the Government Accountability Office identified in HUD's 1995 AFFH rule. GAO determined that the 1995 regulation was ineffective as a mechanism for HUD to accomplish its fair housing obligations./16

HUD's proposed rule will dramatically weaken the federal government's ability to address a legacy of residential segregation that it helped to create. Congress intended for HUD funds to be used to dismantle segregation and remediate its effects. The Fair Housing Act's legislative history makes clear that Congress intended the Act not only to eliminate housing discrimination, but also to replace segregated living patterns with "truly integrated and balanced living patterns."/17

Prior to enactment of the Fair Housing Act, numerous members of both the House and Senate repeatedly asserted that the Act was intended not only to expand housing choice for individuals, but also to foster racial integration to benefit all Americans./18

Indeed, early court decisions on section 3608 confirmed that the provision was meant to push HUD and entities receiving HUD financial assistance to take action to dismantle segregation.

In Shannon v. HUD, the Third Circuit upheld a challenge to HUD's financial support of a public housing project in a community of color in Philadelphia; local residents argued that the project would increase racial concentration in their neighborhood./19

With respect to HUD's duties under section 3608, the court found that the provision is intended not only to promote nondiscrimination, but also to promote racial integration for the benefit of the entire community. Subsequent court decisions made similar determinations. In Otero v. New York City Housing Authority, the court stated: "Action must be taken to fulfill, as much as possible, the goal of open, integrated residential housing patterns and to prevent the increase of segregation, in ghettos, of racial groups whose lack of opportunities the [Fair Housing] Act was designed to combat."/20

Moreover, in NAACP, Boston Chapter v. HUD, the court found that section 3608 requires HUD to "consider [the] effect [of a HUD grant] on the racial and socio- economic composition of the surrounding area."/21

And in 2007, in United States of America ex rel. Anti-Discrimination Center of Metro New York, Inc. v. Westchester County, New York, the court stated that "an interpretation of 'affirmatively further fair housing' that excludes consideration of race would be an absurd result."/22

Yet, the proposed rule disregards long-established legal precedent that defines the AFFH statutory mandate to require efforts that dismantle racial segregation in housing. Instead, the proposed rule sets out a process in which a jurisdiction may certify compliance with its AFFH obligation without considering or addressing issues of discrimination, segregation, or access to opportunity. Indeed, as part of the process proposed in the rule, HUD encourages jurisdictions to pick three goals from a list of 16 pre-approved goals. The proposal does not explain HUD's reasoning for requiring jurisdictions to choose three items to address and there is no guidance about how to demonstrate progress toward the goals during the program cycle. It is also unclear what HUD would consider to be acceptable progress. Moreover, none of the goals - except one regarding availability of accessible housing units - specifically relate to protected classes under the Fair Housing Act. This approach is a drastic departure from the 2015 AFFH rule, which created a data-driven approach that defined the AFFH process as a way to address disparities, integrate communities, eliminate concentrated areas of poverty, and encourage compliance with civil rights and fair housing laws.

Furthermore, the proposed rule's definition of AFFH is inconsistent with the law. The AFFH statutory mandate requires jurisdictions to consider how public and private barriers impact segregation. In that vein, the 2015 definition of AFFH required "meaningful actions" to address housing needs and replace "segregated living patterns with truly integrated and balanced living patterns, transforming racially and ethnically concentrated areas of poverty into areas of opportunity." The proposed rule completely redefines AFFH by focusing on reducing obstacles within program participants' "sphere of influence" to provide individuals and families' housing choice "within their means." As described above, the proposed rule does not require jurisdictions to consider the impact of discrimination and segregation on protected classes. Additionally, by focusing on obstacles within the "sphere of influence" and housing choice "within [families'] means," the proposal suggests that jurisdictions are constrained in their ability to address enduring issues of segregation and discrimination and need not make a durable effort. It is also a veiled attempt to reclassify the AFFH mandate as a class-based remedy rather than its intended goal as a solution for protected classes identified under the Fair Housing Act. While a protected class such as race is inextricably linked with a families' financial wellbeing, the Fair Housing Act was enacted to dismantle discrimination based on protected class status of race and the vestiges thereof.

III. The proposed rule utilizes flawed metrics.

To evaluate how jurisdictions are carrying out their AFFH obligation as a threshold matter, the proposal uses a series of data-based measures to determine whether a jurisdiction (1) is free of adjudicated fair housing claims; (2) has an adequate supply of affordable housing throughout the jurisdiction; and (3) has an adequate supply of quality affordable housing. Jurisdictions that score highly would be eligible for various incentives in HUD programs.

These methods of measurement are problematic in numerous ways. First, it is misguided to focus on a jurisdictions' "adjudicated fair housing claims," as this is not relevant to whether a jurisdiction has identified fair housing issues. Generally, there are very few adjudicated claims.

Public and private fair housing enforcement often result in settlements - avoiding any adverse court or administrative ruling for the jurisdiction.

Additionally, the proposal disregards the AFFH statutory mandate to foster racial integration. HUD proposes to rely on metrics that are unrelated to housing access for protected classes. As detailed in analysis from the Urban Institute, "HUD's assumption that all residents of a jurisdiction will benefit from improvements in affordable or quality housing ignores evidence documenting inequitable access to housing for protected classes."/23

Expanding affordable housing without accounting for disparate treatment or disparate impact on protected classes "risks disproportionately benefiting historically advantaged groups and perpetuating patterns of disadvantage rather than correcting disparities caused by structural racism or discrimination."/24

Under the proposed rule, a jurisdiction engaging in the AFFH planning process would not be required to examine or address historic and ongoing patterns of discrimination, segregation, or disinvestment based on race or other protected classes. HUD's proposed approach flouts the very purpose of the Fair Housing Act.

IV. The proposed rule erroneously conflates fair housing and affordable housing.

The proposed rule operates under the false assumption that eliminating regulations will expand housing production and this increased supply will somehow solve the affordable housing crisis.

First, even if jurisdictions create more affordable housing, this does not improve fair housing concerns. As described in section II above, the AFFH provision in the Fair Housing Act requires jurisdictions to consider barriers that perpetuate discrimination and segregation. The proposed rule ignores a jurisdiction's policies and practices affecting people in protected classes. It also rejects any focus on overcoming historic patterns of housing segregation. Moreover, removing alleged regulatory barriers will not necessarily result in the construction of a significant amount of new housing or bring greater housing affordability. The affordable housing crisis is vast and multifaceted. It is driven by a shortage of affordable inventory, wages not keeping up with rising housing costs, exclusionary zoning, displacement, the racial wealth gap, lack of fair access to credit, and more. The crisis spans rural, urban, and suburban communities./25

And to the extent that there is increased housing development, it is unlikely to be affordable to low- and moderate-income people./26

Deregulation is not the antidote./27

Rather, the federal government must devote substantial resources to the affordable housing crisis - on both the rental and homeownership side of the equation.

Furthermore, HUD is reinventing the AFFH process to achieve deregulatory ends. As such, the proposed rule opens the door to attacks on important protections. The list of 16 pre-approved goals target rent control, "unduly burdensome wetland or environmental regulations," and "arbitrary or unnecessary labor requirements." HUD must not use the AFFH rule to undermine critical public health, environmental, labor, and tenant protections.

The proposed rule also disproportionately focuses on income to the exclusion of other barriers to fair housing, including those affecting middle- and upper-income members of protected classes. For example, evidence demonstrates that preceding the financial crisis, a large number of borrowers of color were targeted and steered into toxic mortgages even when they qualified for safer and more responsible loans with cheaper costs./28

Also, the recent Long Island investigation illustrates the continued problem of racial steering by real estate agents./29

The three-year long investigation revealed widespread evidence of unequal treatment by real estate agents in Long Island. In particular, agents steered homebuyers of color to communities of color and white homebuyers to predominately white communities. Borrowers of color and other protected classes face a slew of barriers that have nothing to do with affordability.

V. Conclusion

The proposed rule is not a fair housing rule. Rather, the proposed rule disregards established legal precedent and eliminates any meaningful implementation of the Fair Housing Act's AFFH provision. HUD should abandon the proposed rule and reinstitute the 2015 AFFH regulation.

Sincerely,

Center for Responsible Lending

* * *

Footnotes:

1/ Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America, Liveright Publishing Corporation (2107).

2/ Terry Gross, A 'Forgotten History' of How the U.S. Government Segregated America, NPR Fresh Air, May 3, 2017, https://www.npr.org/2017/05/03/526655831/a-forgotten-history-of-how-the-u-s-government-segregatedamerica.

3/ Emily Badger, How Redlining's Racist Effects Lasted for Decades, N.Y. Times, Aug. 24, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/24/upshot/how-redlinings-racist-effects-lasted-for-decades.html.

4/ Three out of four neighborhoods marked "hazardous" by FHA 80 years ago are still struggling financially. See Bruce Mitchell and Juan Franco, HOLC "Redlining" Maps: The Persistent Structure of Segregation and Economic Inequality, National Community Reinvestment Coalition (March 2018), https://ncrc.org/how-1930s-discriminationshapedinequality-in-todays-cities/.

5/ Federal Housing Administration, Underwriting Manual (1936), Excerpts, https://epress.trincoll.edu/ ontheline2015/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/2015/03/1936FHA-Underwriting.pdf.

6/ Id.

7/ Nick Noel, Duwain Pinder, Shelley Stewart III, and Jason Wright, The Economic Impact of Closing the Racial Wealth Gap, McKinsey & Company (Aug. 2019), Exhibit 1 at p. 5, https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Industries/Public%20Sector/Our%20Insights/The%20economic%2 0impact%20of%20closing%20the%20racial%20wealth%20gap/The-economic-impact-of-closing-the-racial-wealthgap-final.ashx.

8/ Id.

9/ Id.

10/ Paul Davidson, Black Households Can Afford Just 25% of Homes For Sale, USA Today, October 15, 2019, https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/2019/10/15/homes-sale-black-households-can-afford-just-25- percenthouses-market/3976383002/.

11/ Nick Noel, Duwain Pinder, Shelley Stewart III, and Jason Wright, The Economic Impact of Closing the Racial Wealth Gap, McKinsey & Company (August 2019), https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/McKinsey/Industries/Public%20Sector/Our%20Insights/The%20economic%2 0impact%20of%20closing%20the%20racial%20wealth%20gap/The-economic-impact-of-closing-the-racial-wealthgap-final.ashx.

12/ Id. at 43-46.

13/ Id. at 50.

14/ 42 US.C. Sec. 3608(d).

15/ 42 US.C. Sec. 3608(e)(5).

16/ Government Accountability Office, HUD Needs to Enhance its Requirements and Oversight of Jurisdictions' Fair Housing Plans, GAO-10-905 (Sept. 2010), https://www.gao.gov/new.items/d10905.pdf.

17/ 114 Cong. Rec. 3422 (1968).

18/ 114 Cong. Rec. 9559, 9591, 2706 (1967).

19/ Shannon v. U.S. Dep't of Hous. & Urban Dev., 436 F.2d 809 (3d Cir. 1970).

20/ Otero v. Park City Hous. Auth., 484 F.2d 1122 (2d Cir. 1973).

21/ NAACP, Bos. Chapter v. U.S. Dep't of Hous. & Urban Dev., 817 F.2d 149 (1st Cir. 1987).

22/ United States ex rel. Anti-Discrimination Ctr. v. Westchester Cnty., 495 F. Supp. 2d 375 (S.D.N.Y. 2007).

23/ Claudia D. Solari, Martha M. Galvez, Katherine Thomas, and Solomon Greene, HUD Omits Race from Fair Housing Proposal, Urban Institute, March 9, 2020, https://www.urban.org/research/publication/hud-omits-race-fairhousing-proposal.

24/ Id.

25/ America's Rental Housing 2020, Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, January 31, 2020, https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2020; Tim Henderson, Rural America Faces a Housing Cost Crunch, Pew, March 25, 2019, https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-andanalysis/blogs/stateline/2019/03/25/rural-america-faces-a-housing-cost-crunch; Alexander Hermann, Price-toIncome Ratios are Nearing Historic Highs, Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, September 13, 2018, https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/price-to-income-ratios-are-nearing-historic-highs/; https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/blogs/stateline/2019/03/25/rural-america-faces-a-housingcost-crunch; Margaret Hennessy, Suburban Housing Costs Are Stretching Families to the Brink, Slate, March 21, 2018, https://slate.com/human-interest/2018/03/suburban-housing-costs-are-stretching-families-to-thebrink.html.

26/ Michael Calhoun, Lessons from the Financial Crisis: The Central Importance of a Sustainable, Affordable, and Inclusive Housing Market, Brookings Center on Regulation and Markets, September 5, 2018, https://www.brookings.edu/research/lessons-from-the-financial-crisis-the-central-importance-of-a-sustainableaffordable-and-inclusive-housing-market/.

27/ Solomon Greene, Can We Deregulate Ourselves Out of the Affordable Housing Crisis?, Urban Institute, July 1, 2019, https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/can-we-deregulate-ourselves-out-affordable-housing-crisis.

28/ Rick Brooks and Ruth Simon, Subprime Debacle Traps Even Very Credit-Worthy, Wall Street Journal, December 2007, https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB119662974358911035.

29/ Ann Choi, Keith Herbert, and Olivia Winslow, Long Island Divided, Newsday, November 17, 2019, https://projects.newsday.com/long-island/real-estate-agents-investigation/.

* * *

The proposed rule can be viewed at: https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=HUD-2020-0011-0001

TARGETED NEWS SERVICE (founded 2004) features non-partisan 'edited journalism' news briefs and information for news organizations, public policy groups and individuals; as well as 'gathered' public policy information, including news releases, reports, speeches. For more information contact MYRON STRUCK, editor, [email protected], Springfield, Virginia; 703/304-1897; https://targetednews.com

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